Essay --

Picture the ultimate dream car. Is it a brand new Mustang right off the show room floor? Maybe it is a SUV with heated leather seats. Or it might by something fast and imported, like a Ferrari, Lamborghini, or Porsche. For some people, dream cars don't come from the present or the future, but the past. But getting that dream car from the past isn’t always easy. A lot of the times it is rusting away in some old barn or out in a field with weeds growing through the floorboard. When someone finds that dream car in those conditions they can do a couple different things they can build it into a rat rod. A rat rod is where the outside of the car is left rusty and in the shape it was found in, and has a big powerful motor and a good strong transmission. Or the other choice is to restore the car to its former glory. When someone restore a car to its former glory there are four main categories or steps that they need to do; body work, paint, interior, and engine/transmission. The first step in body work is to take the car apart so that it is easier to get rid of all the dents, paint, and rust. Then take out all of the interior, and take off the mirrors, hood, fenders, and all of the extra parts that will make it easier to get off the paint. Paint stripping methods usually fall into two main categories: abrasive and chemical. In abrasive paint striping there is media blasting, and good old fashion sanding. The way media blasting works is the process of blasting an item with small particles of various abrasive substances at an extremely high velocity in order to remove paint and rust off a vehicle. There are many materials used to media blast cars like walnut shell, plastic beads, baking soda, and different types of sand. D... ...ne have less power. If the original transmission is being used then it as well should be gone through and cleaned. If someone doesn’t want to take the time to take the engine apart and clean every little part and then try to remember where every little piece went then just replacing both the engine and transmission might be the way to go. Buying a brand new engine and transmission has its advantages and its disadvantages. An advantage of buying them new is that they have all new parts and are less likely to break and can take less time than taking apart the engine. A disadvantage is that it can be more expensive than just using the old motor. By completing these steps an old rusted out car can be turned into the ultimate dream car. Whether it is turned in to a rat rod or in to the restored classic car, it is worth all that hard work to get that ultimate dream car.

Baldwin Blames Mistreatment of Black Veterans for Increasing Racial Unr

Baldwin Blames Mistreatment of Black Veterans for Increasing Racial Unrest Building a case against racial injustice, Baldwin describes how many blacks joined the U.S. military and were sent to fight in Europe during World War II, although the battles they returned to at home were sometimes worse than the war itself. In ?Down at the Cross,? Baldwin zeroes in on the discrimination against black veterans as the final blow causing many of them to hate their own country and become militant against whites. Historical accounts generally support his argument, even though Baldwin doesn?t speak to a few important points that differ from his personal perspectives on this issue. Overall, Baldwin builds a strong case for the need for social change in America to wipe out this type of racial outrage, especially in the case of black war veterans. Baldwin contends that ?a certain hope died? when black veterans were greeted with contempt by whites when they returned from the war instead of the praise and thanks that they deserved (Baldwin 317). From his observations, this was a wound that had been festering for many years and it was something that had been eating at the heart and soul of the black population since the end of World War II. This was such a terrible insult to blacks that it added fuel to the rage that was growing all across the country, and Baldwin explains that blacks finally felt they had taken too much abuse and that things were going to change ? one way or the other. To summarize his argument, Baldwin reasons it out that if a person is willing to risk his or her life for their country, the very least they should expect is for their country to treat them with the respect they have earned and not as se... ...ry. Baldwin?s essay is, on the whole, true to the facts and feelings in America at that particular period in time as black veterans returned home to face a new battle against racial discrimination in their homeland. Works Cited Baldwin, James. ?Down at the Cross.? 1955. James Baldwin: Collected Essays. Ed. Toni Morrison. New York: Library of America, 1998. 63-84. Fournier, Winston C. ?Desegregated Jobs.? The Wall Street Journal 3 April 1956: 1, 10. Huachuca Illustrated, Vol. 2 Web Page (1996). Retrieved March 2, 2004 from http://www.lib.byu.edu/~rdh/wwi/comment/huachuca/HI2-09.htm#27. Lee, Ulysses. (1966). The Employment of Negro Troops. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Murphy, Carl. (1944). This Is Our War. Atlanta Daily World, pp. 5-12. Wynn, Mike. ?We Were There.? The Augusta Chronicle 2 September 2001: 1-14. Baldwin Blames Mistreatment of Black Veterans for Increasing Racial Unr Baldwin Blames Mistreatment of Black Veterans for Increasing Racial Unrest Building a case against racial injustice, Baldwin describes how many blacks joined the U.S. military and were sent to fight in Europe during World War II, although the battles they returned to at home were sometimes worse than the war itself. In ?Down at the Cross,? Baldwin zeroes in on the discrimination against black veterans as the final blow causing many of them to hate their own country and become militant against whites. Historical accounts generally support his argument, even though Baldwin doesn?t speak to a few important points that differ from his personal perspectives on this issue. Overall, Baldwin builds a strong case for the need for social change in America to wipe out this type of racial outrage, especially in the case of black war veterans. Baldwin contends that ?a certain hope died? when black veterans were greeted with contempt by whites when they returned from the war instead of the praise and thanks that they deserved (Baldwin 317). From his observations, this was a wound that had been festering for many years and it was something that had been eating at the heart and soul of the black population since the end of World War II. This was such a terrible insult to blacks that it added fuel to the rage that was growing all across the country, and Baldwin explains that blacks finally felt they had taken too much abuse and that things were going to change ? one way or the other. To summarize his argument, Baldwin reasons it out that if a person is willing to risk his or her life for their country, the very least they should expect is for their country to treat them with the respect they have earned and not as se... ...ry. Baldwin?s essay is, on the whole, true to the facts and feelings in America at that particular period in time as black veterans returned home to face a new battle against racial discrimination in their homeland. Works Cited Baldwin, James. ?Down at the Cross.? 1955. James Baldwin: Collected Essays. Ed. Toni Morrison. New York: Library of America, 1998. 63-84. Fournier, Winston C. ?Desegregated Jobs.? The Wall Street Journal 3 April 1956: 1, 10. Huachuca Illustrated, Vol. 2 Web Page (1996). Retrieved March 2, 2004 from http://www.lib.byu.edu/~rdh/wwi/comment/huachuca/HI2-09.htm#27. Lee, Ulysses. (1966). The Employment of Negro Troops. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Murphy, Carl. (1944). This Is Our War. Atlanta Daily World, pp. 5-12. Wynn, Mike. ?We Were There.? The Augusta Chronicle 2 September 2001: 1-14.

Expository on Love Essay -- Expository Essays

Love! Not For Everyone Poets and philosophers for centuries have been trying to answer the question, what is love? Love has an infinite number of definitions, which vary from one person to another. Love cannot be measured by any physical means. One may never know what true love is until love it- self has been experienced. What is love? A four letter word that causes a person to behave in a way that is out of character. What is love? A first kiss, childhood crushes on a teacher or friend’s mom. What is love? A choice that people make by putting their partner’s wishes, desires and needs above everything else. What is love? The act of forgiveness, the infatuation with someone, the communication between two people. What is love? A friendship that turned into a lifelong commitment, that special someone who has vowed to spend the rest of their lives to honor and protect, to love each other â€Å"till death do you part.† When in love nothing else in the world matters. According to the online Encarta Dictionary love is the passionate feeling of romantic and sexual desire and longing for somebody. Poets and philosophers may never know what love really is, and we may never truly understand the question what is love. Love is like a rose that blossoms into great beauty. Love starts with a seed that has been carefully planted in the garden. Love is much like when meeting someone for the first time. Getting to know each other is just our roots planting firmly in the ground. With each day love is growing stronger and stronger. In the poem by Ezra Pound, â€Å"The River Merchant’s Wife: A Letter† the wife married at fourteen and by the time she was sixteen her love had grown so much that she longed for her beloved husband to come home. The speaker tel... ...ove is, we do know how to show love and share love with others. People have the ability to love, which makes the human race on the top of the food chain. All other species cannot or does not show love in the way that human beings do. What is love? Love is what people want it to be. â€Æ' Works Cited Hemingway, Ernst. â€Å"Hills Like White Elephants†. Ninth Edition. Alison Booth, J. Paul Hunter, Kelly J. Mays. New York: W. W. Norton, 2005. 132-135. Pound, Erza. â€Å"The River Merchant’s Wife: A Letter†. Ninth Edition. Alison Booth, J. Paul Hunter, Kelly J. Mays. New York: W. W. Norton, 2005. 815. Ramsey, Jarold. â€Å"The Tally Stick†. Ninth Edition. Alison Booth, J. Paul Hunter, Kelly J. Mays. New York: W. W. Norton, 2005. 812. Snodgrass, W. D. â€Å"Leaving the Motel†. Ninth Edition. Alison Booth, J. Paul Hunter, Kelly J. Mays. New York: W. W. Norton, 2005. 836-837.

America’s Present Judicial Structure

America’s judicial system is one of the most well known all over the world. In many countries, people of the state are not given as much opportunity to seek legal redress, or defend one’s self. In the United States, accusers and defendants alike are given the same rights in court regardless of their social standing. I can say that Americans are living with such a great privilege to be able to live with a judicial system and constitution that uphold the inherent rights of every citizen.However, I believe that anything that is created good has the tendency or potential to digress from its original purpose, and as time goes by, may deteriorate or become corrupted. The Founding Fathers have set a constitution that would be the basis for judicial proceedings in the land. They are honest, trustworthy and honorable men. They envisioned a state that upholds the truth and executes justice. But as the generations continue to pass by, there is no guarantee that every judge in the Federal and State courts will have the same integrity as the ones who framed the laws in the past.Thus, the first weakness that I can see in America’s judicial structure is that, if corruption penetrates it, the very laws that uphold the dignity of every human being will be left to the interpretation and disposal of the men who are corrupt. Various literature and entertainment media has portrayed this exact problem of the judicial system. For example, the 1996 movie entitled â€Å"City Hall†, (starring Al Pacino and John Cusack) portrays the high possibility of corruption in the judiciary.In the movie, a judge in the highest court of New York participates in the manipulation of the law, and instead of convicting a guilty man, let him go and hid the documents considered as evidence. As the story unfolds, it became clear that the city mayor was the one who influenced the judge to do the act because it is in the best interest of some wealthy businessmen who helped the may or with his political career. Although this is a fictional story, I can say that there is always fire under the smoke. In real American life, politics has a major impact on the judiciary.If the above statement is true, then there really is a possibility that the executive branch can influence the decisions of the judiciary by applying political pressure. So much has been said about the separation and independence of the branches of government from each other, but in some cases (especially high profile cases and those that stir political interests), the judiciary is highly vulnerable to the influence of the political world. I believe the current judicial structure has not exceeded its constitutional powers, but it is more powerful than what the framers of the constitution originally intended.For example, the Federal court is known as the guardian of the constitution. It is within its power to interpret the law written in the past, and apply it to present day circumstances. Thus, the people who interpret the law are more powerful than the law itself. Although members of the judiciary system are working within the limits and bounds set by the constitution, the constitution itself gives them the power to interpret and execute the law. This means that with the enormous power in their hands, it is easy to neglect true justice by using legal technicalities.Interpretation of the law is a rather difficult task because the constitution is vague and ambiguous in many ways. Some law scholars believe that the Constitution purposely remains vague in order to be timeless and applicable to all circumstances. Some believe that the constitution should be followed literally and word for word, and if there are vague areas in it, should be changed or amended to be more precise. This ambiguity in the constitution makes way for the neglect of true justice because each trial lawyer interprets the law in a manner that suits his client’s advantage.Because of the vagueness of the constitution, the courtroom often becomes more of a battleground of who is the better lawyer, than a battleground between right and wrong. For example, a person accused of trampling animal rights by offering sheep and goats as sacrifices, may also be acquitted on the grounds of the freedom of religion. The final verdict, however, will depend on who is the better lawyer, more skilled at applying legal technicalities, and more skilled at interpreting the law in a way that suits the taste of the jury.This basic problem of the American justice system was portrayed in another film entitled, â€Å"The Devil’s Advocate†, where a young lawyer has never lost a single case in his entire life, even though his clients are obviously guilty. There is no other way to solve this judicial problem than to amend the constitution itself. In my opinion, there is no need to change the laws that are written by the constitution framers of old. However, modern applications to the said laws sh ould constantly be added to suit the changing needs of society and modern life.Lessening the ambiguity of the constitution will make way for fairer decisions in the court and ensure that guilty men are punished and the innocent are rewarded with freedom. Needless to say, judges must maintain a high standard of integrity to avoid corruption within the judicial system. Corruption can bring down even the strongest of judicial systems. It did once, for the Roman government. In essence, it is still the American people and not the judiciary who has the power to issue a final verdict. Our jury system was created to ensure that courtroom decisions are impartial, and that the citizens of the nation still have the final say.Jurors are chosen from different walks of life and given the responsibility and duty of executing justice. This is a reflection of true democracy and I believe it is one of the major strengths of the American judicial system. Bibliography: City Hall. Dir. Harold Becker. Pe rf. Al Pacino, John Cusack, Bridget Fonda, Danny Aiello, and David Paymer. 1996. DVD. Touchstone, 2001 MegaEssays. com. â€Å"Federal and State Court Structures and Jurisdiction†. 1 October 2007. The Devil’s Advocate. Dir. Taylor Hackford. Perf. Keanu Reeves, Al Pacino and Charlize Theron. Warner Brothers Pictures, 1997.

Democratization of Uruguay

Giancarlo Orichio Dr. A. Arraras CPO 3055 20 November 2008 Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Uruguay A study of democratization presumes that the meaning of democratization is self-evident: defined simply as a transition of a political system from non-democracy towards accountable and representative government practices. (Grugel 3) A concept that is valid in Uruguayan politics however, has an element of potential risk that will be the topic of further analysis. Assessment of the latter will enable us to determine why Uruguay is the only one of the four former â€Å"bureaucratic-authoritarian† regimes in South America that includes Chile, Brazil, and Argentina to attain this debatably political status quo. Guillermo O’Donnell described this type of regime as an institution that uses coercive measures to respond to what they view as threats to capitalism, whereas, the only means of opposing this repressive government is by an â€Å"unconditional commitment to democracy. (O’Donnell xiii) The hierarchically lead bureaucratic-authoritarian regime as a political actor poses a possible advantage to democratization insofar that the military-as-institution may consider that their interests are best served by extrication from the military-as-government. However, seizing power to a new governing body without imposing strong constraints is improbable and has occurred predictably in Uruguayan democratic transition. Understanding th e obstacle faced by the newly fragile democratic government in managing the military and eliminating its reserved domains brings us to the task at hand. First, I will analyze the political history in Uruguay that lead up to the no doubt controversial argument that it has attained democratic consolidation. Secondly, I will analyze the factors that either contributed or hindered its journey to representative democracy; ultimately, arriving to the conclusion that Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan describe as a â€Å"risk-prone† consolidated democracy. On 25 August 1825, Juan Antonio Lavalleja, at the head of a group of patriots called the â€Å"treinta y tres orientales,† issued a declaration of independence. After a three-year fight, a peace treaty signed on 28 August 1828 guaranteed Uruguay's independence. During this period of political turmoil and civil war, the two political parties around which Uruguayan history has traditionally revolved, the Colorados and the Blancos, were founded. â€Å"Even by West Europen standards, [Uruguay] had a tradition of high party identification and a clear sense of a left-right index. † (Linz 152) Uruguay's first president, Gen. Jose Fructuoso Rivera, an ally of Artigas, founded the Colorados. The second president, Brig. Gen. Manuel Oribe, a friend of Lavalleja, founded the Blancos. The 19th century was largely a struggle between the two factions. However, it was not until the election of Jose Batlle y Ordonez as president in 1903 that Uruguay matured as a nation. The Batlle administrations (1903–7, 1911–15) marked the period of greatest economic performance. A distinguished statesman, Batlle initiated the social welfare system codified in the Uruguayan constitution. From then on, Uruguay's social programs, funded primarily by earnings of beef and wool in foreign markets, gave Uruguay the revered soubriquet â€Å"Switzerland of South America. † After World War II, the Colorados ruled, except for an eight-year period from 1958–66. It was during the administration of President Jorge Pacheco Areco (1967–72) that Uruguay entered a political and social crisis. As wool declined in world markets, export earnings no longer kept pace with the need for greater social expenditures. Political instability resulted, most dramatically in the emergence of Uruguay's National Liberation Movement, popularly known as the Tupamaros. This well-organized urban guerrilla movement adopted Marxist and nationalist ideals while on the other hand, most nationally important actors were disloyal or at best semi-loyal to the already established democratic regime. Their revolutionary activities, coupled with the worsening economic situation, exacerbated Uruguay's political uncertainty. Gradually, the military-as institution assumed a greater role in government and by 1973 was in complete control of the political system. By the end of 1973, the Tupamaros had been successfully controlled and suppressed by the military-as-institution. In terms of systematic repression, as Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan stated, â€Å"Uruguay was the most deeply repressive of the four South American bureaucratic-authoritarian regimes. (Linz 152) Amnesty international denounced Uruguay for human rights violations; in 1979, they estimated the number of political prisoners jailed at a ratio of 1 per 600, Chile and Argentina were respectively 1 in 2,000 and 1 in 1,200. (Linz 152) By 1977 the military announced that they would devise a new constitution with the intentions to â€Å"strengthen democracy. † The new constitution would be submitted to a plebiscite in 1980, and if ratified elections with a single presidential candidate nominated by both the Colorados and the Blancos and approved by the military would be held the following year. The post-authoritarian transition to democracy began in Uruguay when the democratic opposition won the plebiscite. By the 1980’s the military did not have an offensive plan to lift Uruguay from its uninterrupted bad economic performance, the Tupamaros had in fact been defeated by 1973, so a defense project against urban guerrilla was unnecessary. The military had no civil or political support, and with there loss in the plebiscite, whose results they said they would respect, tarnished the military’s political leverage significantly. Thus, the democratic opposition in the form of the two major catch all political parties that have governed de jure since the 19 century presented a non threatening alternative despite their disloyal behavior before the authoritarian coup d’etat . As previously touched on, the opportunities presented by a hierarchical military favoring democratic transition is the possibility that the leading officers of the military-as-institution will come to the conclusion that the cost of non democratic rule is greater than the cost of extrication. With the main interest resting in a stable state that will in turn allow the military to become a functioning sector of the state apparatus. However, this does not preclude the possibility of non democratic prerogatives in the transfer. The party-military negotiation called the Naval Club Pact disqualified Wilson Ferreira of the Blanco party to be nominated as president, pushed for guarantees concerning their own autonomy, and the most damaging to democracy was the curtailment of human right trails for military officials. Elections were held in 1985 were Julio Maria Sanguinetti from the Colorado party became the first democratically elected candidate in the 1977 constitution. Because of strong public discontent with Military Amnesty granted during the transition, the curtailment was sent to a referendum in 1989, were it approved the amnesty and gained democratic legitimacy by 57%. It has to be stated that the majority of Uruguayan opposed the amnesty, however the fragile democratic government confronted a troubling decision. They could have breached the Naval Club Pact and tried military officer for heir human right offenses and risked military refusal and therefore a crisis in their own authority. Or they could have hastily granted them amnesty at the cost of lowered prestige in the new democracy. It is safe to assume that the electorate voted to let the amnesty law stand not because it was just but more so to avoid a crisis. By 1992 the left-wing Frente Amplio was integrated into Uruguayan politics without any other major party leaders deeming them unacceptable arriving to the quarrelsome argument that Uruguay became a consolidated democracy. Uruguay's economic development can be divided into two starkly contrasting periods. During the first period, when it earned its valued sobriquet â€Å"Switzerland of South America,† from the late 1800s until the 1950s, Uruguay achieved remarkable growth and a high standard of living. Expanding livestock exports; principally beef and wool accounted for its economic development. The advanced social welfare programs, which redistributed wealth from the livestock sector to the rest of the economy, raised the standard of living for the majority of the population and contributed to the development of new industries. When export earnings faltered in the 1950s, however, the fabric of Uruguay's economy had begun to unravel. The country entered a decades-long period of economic stagnation. It was during the administration of President Jorge Pacheco Areco (1967–72) that Uruguay entered a political and social crisis. As wool and beef demands declined in world markets, export earnings no longer kept pace with the need for greater social expenditures causing bad economic performance that lead to the bureaucratic-authoritarian take over of government. Although the old democratic regime was not able to lift economic prosperity neither was the military-as-government. Bad economic performance still plagued the nation throughout authoritarian rule. By 1980 the military had no agenda in combating the bad economic performance that helped unveil the inadequacies of the non democratic regime. In fact, economic performance has been in a decline since 1950’s until today. Although the legitimacy that the democratic system posses in Uruguay is strong, the capacity, or as Stepan and Linz say, the â€Å"efficacy† of the democratic system in resolving the stagnant economy is low. Thus, making Uruguay’s democracy risk-prone due to an unsolved economic performance. Since the economy has been the number one issue affecting Uruguayans since the end of their golden era in the early 19 century. A public opinion poll was asked to upper class respondents weather a political alternative from the authoritarian regime at the time would speed rather than slow economic recuperation. By a margin of 2 to 1 they believed it would, more surprisingly was a 7 to 1 response to the question if a new democratic regime would bring more tranquility and public order. In 1985, of the nine institutions evaluated in terms of trust, political parties ranked highest with a net score of 57 and the armed forces with a net score of negative 73. Only 5% viewed the military sympathetically while 78% viewed the military with antipathy. (Linz 153) In my studies concerning democratization never did democracy start with such rejection of the political role of the military from all class coalitions alike. During the first half on the 19th century the norm was a two party system similar to that of the United States in that there was â€Å"low fragmentation and low polarization. † (Linz 163) However, contrary to the American vetting process the Uruguayan had a peculiar electoral system known as the double simultaneous vote that allows all parties to run multiple candidate for the presidency. This did not present a problem until after the 1960’s when presidents routinely were elected with less than 25% of the vote because of the amount of candidates running. This creates party fragmentation that can hinder democracy. The fact that the old regime political structure remains untouched means that the opportunity for constitutional change was missed and this presents a potential democratic upheaval. Behaviorally, by 1968-73 political elites were at best semi-loyal to the democratic system that soon caused the authoritarian regime to take over government, and one thing that can be done from previous failures in democratic attempts is to learn from their missteps. Stepan and Linz clearly state that for the consolidation of democracy loyalty to the system as well as the perception that all other parties are loyal to the democratic process plays a crucial role. (Linz 156) By 1985 not one of the twelve major factions of the three leading parties perceived the other parties to be acting disloyal. As well as the mere fact that the once unacceptable left-wing party, Frente Amplio, held the mayoral position of Montevideo by 1989 and then the presidency by 2004 demonstrates the positive elite choices that contributed to democracy. Since Uruguay’s troublesome and long fought battle for independence in August 25, 1828 Uruguay did not encounter any â€Å"intermestic† stateness problems. As far as Washington relations to Latin America and in particular Uruguay, the United States continues to pursue hegemony over the region. The neo-liberal reforms in place in the region are bound by the restraints of the global market and for a country like Uruguay it is very difficult to compete with such superpowers. These reforms have often left the lower classes impoverish and desperate while the upper classes and Washington feed their gluttonous appetites. The civilian government in Uruguay has found it increasingly difficult to enforce these foreign economic influences that can potentially result in authoritarian means of accomplishment. As a member of MERCOSUR, Mercado Comun del Sur, Uruguay faced foreign political influences to liberalize its economy during the 1990s, as economic giants, and MERCOSUR partners Brazil and Argentina had done. This can be potentially devastating to democracy except that Uruguay in the 1980’s had a gross national product (GNP) per capita income of 2,820, higher than any of its MERCOSUR counterparts. However, we must remember that Uruguay has been experiencing a downward economic performance since the mid 1900’s and is a potential risk that needs to be addressed to preserve democracy. United States foreign policy in Uruguay and in the rest of Latin America has encouraged for the liberalization of markets. The side effect of neo-liberal reform is the zero-sum element that produces excessive amounts of losers. Essentially the contrary to what it is intended to produce. These superpower polices implemented creates few winners most of which are â€Å"elites with government connection [that] have been the primary beneficiaries of the sweeping economic transformation. † (Kingstone 196) This transcends business when the only means of preserving this market economy is through potential authoritarian means. The contentious claim that Uruguay is a consolidated democracy since 1992 is threefold, first, because of the reluctance to fix the already proven failed double simultaneous vote electoral system. Secondly, because of civil-military relations concerning human rights violation during authoritarian rule, although was legitimized by democratic referendum, but more importantly budgetary cuts that have been implemented as a result of bad economic performance. Finally, and most importantly, Uruguayans accept democracy as the most legitimate political game, but also recognize its incapacity to fix the troubling economy, producing this efficacy-legitimacy gap that can be potentially destructive for democracy. These three factors give Uruguay the title of a risk-prone democracy. Works Cited Kingstone, Peter R. , ed. Readings in Latin American Politics. New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2006. Linz, Juan, and Alfred Stepan. Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996. O’Donnell, Guillermo. Modernization and Bureaucratic-Authoritarianism: Studies in South American Politics. Berkley: Institute of International Studies, University of California, 1973.

Percentage, Money Management

By the end of the lesson, the students will be able to demonstrate knowledge of budget planning and banking. Students will have knowledge of words associated with banking and budgets including interest, percent, and budget Students will of a working knowledge of percentages and how to use this knowledge as it applies to banking, interests, loans and budgeting. Students will be able to develop a monthly budget given a particular income. Students will be able to calculate the interest on a purchase.Knowledge: The student can calculate total cost on an item given various tax rates. 2. Comprehension: Given two different costs on a particular item, with different tax rates, the student will be able to determine the best deal. 3. Application: The student will articulate the use of this knowledge in their daily life. 4. Analytical Thought: Students will begin to understand how this knowledge can assist them with problem solving regarding income and expenditures. 5. Synthetic Thought: Studen ts will be able to explain how to budget monthly to assure that all costs are covered.6. Evaluation: The students will understand the need to budget and shop around for financial security. Standards: Math – The student uses calculations for percentage correctly Material: 1. Calculator 2. Paper for the purpose of budget work Anticipatory Set: The teacher will ask the students about their knowledge of budgeting. They will discuss the importance of budgeting. Students will be asked to identify examples of when percentages can be useful into their everyday life. Input: 1. The teacher will allow for brief discussion on the examples calculated in class2. The teacher will allow time for discussion about other uses for percentages 3. The teacher will review the vocabulary related to the concepts 4. The teacher will allow class time to work additional problems related to percentages and money management. Modeling: 1. The teacher will construct examples for the students to complete in class. Prior to completing the problems, the teacher will review the vocabulary and the methodology for calculating percentages. The teacher will complete a problem related to the assignment. 2.When the students have completed the in class assignment, teacher will complete another larger and slightly more complex problem using the percentage concepts, perhaps related to credit use, as an example to looking forward to use of percentage. Check for Understanding The teacher will engage the class in discussion regarding money management and percentages to verify that students comprehend. 1. Memory: Can the student recall the meaning of the associated vocabulary words. 2. Translation: The students will be able to link the percentage concept to the real world3. Interpretation: Students can explain the use of percentage in different situations. 4. Extrapolation: Students will be able to come up with other uses for percentage calculations 5. Application: Students can complete assignments sh owing skills of methodology 6. Analysis: Students will be able to use percentage skill to make decisions on purchases. 7. Synthesis: Students can understand the use of percentages in their day to day life and understand values. 8. Evaluation: Students will complete assignments adequately.Checking through activities 1. The teacher will monitor the progress students make as they work through the problems. Teacher will answer questions and re explain concepts and methodology as needed. 2. Teacher will have a second opportunity to assess progress during discussion Guided Practice 1. Imagery of money management story regarding the purchase of a particular item in two different states at differing tax rates 2. Discussion for purpose of elaboration and comprehension 3. Vocabulary words related to money management and percentageIndependent Practice Students will be given home assignment to complete a more elaborate project related to money management Closure 1. Teacher will be able to demon strate through each activity, that students have a working knowledge and understanding of percentages. 2. The lesson will introduce the concept of money management and fiscal responsibly Adoptions for Learning Disabilities The teacher may choose to assign the classroom task as a group assignment to allow learning disabled students peer support.Students with perceptual disabilities can be given the task in a tangible puzzle assignment where percentages of the whole are experienced in a tangible way. For example Extensions for Gifted Students may choose to move ahead to more complex assignments involving credit card interest rates as appropriate Possible Connections to Other Subjects This lesson can be used in conjunction with any life skills class in which students are learning to plan for future financial responsibility. The vocabulary can be incorporated into 8th grade English vocabulary units.

Anatomy Week 3

Honors Enrichment Questions Week 3 1) What are chemotherapeutic drugs? Research two and explain how they work against cancer. Chemotherapeutic drugs are used during chemotherapy and are a treatment for cancer. Leustatin- used for hairy cell leukemia, chronic lymphocytic leukemia, and non-Hodgkin’s lymphomas. It is an infusion through a vein and it attacks cells at very specific phases in the cycle. Taxol- used for treatment of breast, ovarian, lung, bladder, prostate, melanoma, esophageal, and other types of solid tumor cancers.Attacks cells during certain phases of the process. 2) What is hydrocortisone and when used, how does this reduce cell damage? It is a steroid hormone that is produced by adrenal cortex and used medicinally to treat inflammation resulting from eczema and rheumatism. It helps reduce cell damage because it is a steroid that helps prevent inflammation of cells and tissues. 3) If a molecule comes toward the cell, how is it decided if the molecule will be ta ken in using active or passive transport?Passive transport is moving biochemical and atomic or molecular substances across the cell membrane but unlike active transport it does not involve chemical energy. Active transport is transporting things from a region of lower concentration to higher concentration, and it uses energy. Depending on whether it needs energy and the transports or places that it goes through will depend on whether it will use active or passive. 4) Explain in your own words, the role of DNA and RNA in protein synthesis. The DNA molecule will unwind and unzip as the hydrogen bonds between the break of the bases.RNA nucleotides pair up with the exposed bases of one of the strands and as they pair up with their pairs the sugar phosphate groups are bonded together to form the new molecule called mRNA. 5) How do endocrine and exocrine glands differ in   structure and function? Endocrine glands are ductless glands that diffuse into the blood to be used in the body suc h as the thyroid, adrenal, and pituitary glands while exocrine glands retain their ducts and empty through ducts to the epithelial surface that includes sweat and oil glands, liver, and the pancreas.